Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Junior Fellows Program
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace is a unique global network of policy research centers in Russia, China, Europe, the Middle East and the United States. Our mission, dating back more than a century, is to advance the cause of peace through analysis and development of fresh policy ideas and direct engagement and collaboration with decision-makers in government, business and civil society. Working together, our centers bring the inestimable benefit of multiple national viewpoints to bilateral, regional and global issues.
The Junior Fellows Program at the Carnegie Endowment is designed to provide a substantive work experience for students who have a serious career interest in the area of international affairs. Approximately 10-12 students will be hired to work at the Carnegie Endowment in Washington, DC on a full-time basis for a period of one year.
Junior Fellows provide research assistance to scholars working on Carnegie Endowment's projects: nuclear policy, democracy building, energy and climate issues, Middle East studies, Asia politics and economics, South Asian politics, Southeast Asian politics, Japan studies, and Russian and Eurasian affairs.
Junior Fellows have the opportunity to conduct research, participate in meetings with high-level officials, contribute to congressional testimony and organize briefings attended by scholars, activists, journalists and government officials.
- Applicants must be nominated by UC Berkeley's Liaison to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
- Applications are accepted only from graduating college seniors or individuals who have graduated within the past academic year. No one will be considered who has started graduate studies (except those who have recently completed a joint bachelors/masters degree program).
- Applicants should have completed a significant amount of coursework related to their discipline of interest.
- The selection process for the Junior Fellows Program is very competitive. Accordingly, applicants should be of high academic quality.
All fellowships begin on August 1, 2015. Junior Fellows are hired for a period of approximately one year.
Salary and Housing
The monthly salary is $3,083.33 (equivalent to $37,000 annually) subject to federal, state and local taxes. A generous benefits package is provided, including medical, dental and life insurance as well as vacation leave. Junior Fellows are responsible for their own housing arrangements.
Applicants must submit, in person or by mail, a package of all the required materials (details below). All materials must be received by Monday, December 8, 2014, at 4:00pm at:
Career Center Reception, 3rd floor
2440 Bancroft Way
University of California, Berkeley, CA 94720
attn. Grace Kim, Liaison to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
UC Berkeley nominates up to two candidates for consideration by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. If there are more than two qualified candidates, interviews may be necessary in January to determine the nominees.
Carnegie will then select the finalists from all the nominees. Finalists will be invited by Carnegie for personal interviews in the spring. Notification of selection from Carnegie decisions will be made by March 31, 2015.
- Application form (PDF)
- An essay (one page or less, double-spaced) on why you would like to become a Junior Fellow.
- A 1-2 page resume (including telephone number, address, extra-curricular activities and work experience).
- Two sealed recommendations, at least one of which should be from a professor in your major department.
- A transcript of your undergraduate records (may be unofficial).
- An essay of no more than three (3) typewritten, double-spaced pages on one of the following topics. These topics are intended to test skills in analysis, logic, and written expression. The essays should be thought pieces, not research papers. Students should submit an essay related to their primary research program interests, although the Carnegie Endowment may ultimately select an applicant for a program outside of his/her designated primary interest or make an assignment to more than one program.
Applicants must respond to the question pertaining to the program to which they are applying.
A. Democracy Program. There is an intense and ever-growing debate within and among many countries over whether it is legitimate for outside actors (governmental as well as nongovernmental actors) to fund civil society organizations within a country. Set forward and elaborate what you believe are the strongest arguments in favor of and opposed to the view that foreign funding for civil society is legitimate. Be sure to consider different types of civil society activities and organizations that might receive such funding.
B. Nuclear Policy Program. What implications – if any – would the growth of nuclear power have for preventing the spread of nuclear weapons?
C. Energy & Climate Program. The global oil sector is undergoing a paradigm shift. This is being driven by higher global oil prices, technological breakthroughs, political instability in the Middle East, Russia and beyond, record oil demand in Asia, lack of ready substitutes for petroleum products, and mounting climate concerns. What relevant tools do policymakers have at their disposal to reduce the geopolitical, environmental and economic risks associated with oil?
D. Middle East Program. The Middle East region is going through a huge, agonizing and protracted transformation characterized by failing governance structures, rising extremism and sectarianism, weak institutions, high unemployment, poor education and the return of status quo forces resistant to reform and inclusion. The current situation has enabled non-state actors such as the Islamic State to emerge and spread a new toxic ideology of hate and violence. What do you see as one of the most difficult threats facing the region today? Discuss the impact this has had on two countries in the region and strategies that will help move these countries toward a better future.
E. South Asia Program. Why does India’s success matter to the United States?
F. China Studies (Asia Program). Some observers of China's foreign and defense policies argue that Beijing recently made a strategic decision to utilize its growing political, economic, and military power and influence in Asia and beyond to challenge many aspects of the existing U.S.-led international system, including accepted interpretations of freedom of navigation, the peaceful resolution of maritime territorial issues, and growing international norms against genocide and human rights abuses carried out by repressive regimes. Do you agree? If so, why was such a decision made, what evidence exists to support such a contention, and how should the West respond? If you disagree, then how do you explain Beijing's apparently increased level of assertiveness in many areas witnessed in recent years?
G. Japan Studies (Asia Program). Prime Minister Abe’s government is pursuing (and has pursued) a variety of reforms to its defense and security policies, including revising the National Defense Program Guidelines, creating a new structure for the National Security Council, developing a National Security Strategy, reinterpreting its ability to exercise the right of collective self-defense, drafting new legislation to reflect these changes, and perhaps acquiring the capability to strike enemy bases after attack. What are the key political and strategic drivers behind this push, what are the moderating factors, and what is important for U.S. policy makers to understand as the consider how to respond/react (balancing national security needs with regional foreign policy priorities)?
H. Southeast Asia Studies (Asia Program). What are the policy and strategic implications of China’s rise for Southeast Asian countries?
I. Economics (Asia Program). China and many of the other countries in East Asia are now experiencing a slowdown in their economic growth. Is this likely to persist and what are the policy implications?
J. Russia/Eurasia Program. The February 2014 revolution in Kiev and the subsequent Russian invasion of Crimea and eastern Ukraine have fundamentally altered Russian foreign and domestic politics. How will these changes affect the U.S.-Russian relationship? How should the U.S. respond to future Russian foreign policy adventurism? Do the U.S. and Russia still have significant mutual interests that could be used to restore elements of cooperation to the bilateral relationship and is this even possible while Putin remains Russia's head of state?
Please direct any questions to Grace Kim at email@example.com.